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This is a paper I wrote concerning the various issues in Adult Caregiving. Since I have
done in-home interviews with many caregivers and gathered information for many more all over the state, there will also
be a section for their comments. And there will be a section on the economics of aging, which is one of my specialties.
ADULT CAREGIVING
ISSUES
by Dwight L Adams
Due to the "graying
of America," the issues of caregiving for adult family members becomes a serious future concern. By the year 2010, it is estimated
that the AVERAGE U.S. family will consist of 5 generations living TOGETHER! Spread over this and the next lesson, you'll read
concerning the very important area of caregiving in the United States:
I. The Sandwich Generation
Role strain in
the adult child caregivers has shown to be a significant source of burden, especially the "sandwich generation," those individuals
who are taking care of both younger and older relatives (most often parents and children).
The literature
suggests that unpaid family caregivers, who are impacted emotionally, socially and financially, form the bulk of the caregivers
to the frail elderly in America.
Huston and Rempel
(1989) deal with research concepts in evaluation of 1) how interpersonal attitudes and dispositions develop and 2) how these
developed dispositions can influence the participant's behavior towards others deemed close (in family as well as in other
close bonds).
Individuals in
a group influence each other; in close relationships "...each person's overt behavior affects other members thoughts, feelings
and behaviors...[this] extends over a considerable period of time." The agreement over time between parties provides social
support which produces shared perceptions and positive affect. This leads to the desire of the participants to share more
time and more experiences together. The context of the happenings may be conducive or destructive to this growth of the relationship.
As a result of
numerous experiences in context, interpersonal attitudes are developed. People development trust or love through a series
of experiences that have a cumulative effect. Trust can build via belief that the other is sincere and benevolent and will
continue to be so in the future.
Obligation may
come from 1) the parent's dependence 2) the need to reciprocate for earlier care given to the child 3) the sense that there
are few or no alternatives 4) women, especially, may feel obligated due to their socialization as nurturers and economic constraints
(the woman's job being "less important" than the man's). For the elderly, 71% (Blieszner & Mancini, 1987) report that
it is normal for adult children to visit them out of a sense of duty.
Discretionary
motivation such as affection, closeness, and enjoyment of the relationship may aid in caregiving. Abel (1986) suggests that
the mother-daughter bond may contribute to discretionary motives for giving care, and throughout the life course studies suggest
that mother-daughter interaction is normally more frequent with more emotional attachment than is father-son or even mother-son
relationships. A review of the literature suggests that filial obligation has suffered an "historical erosion" and that discretionary
motives are probably more predictive now, but both feelings will emerge. (Walker, et al., 1990)
Both types of
motives are equally salient to some individuals while neither motive is particularly influential to a few. This may be due
to "socially desirable" answers coming out.This study backs up earlier work by Nydegger (1883) which states that caregiving
is motivated "...not solely by goodwill but also by a sense of duty." The findings also are consistent with Jonas & Wellin
(1980) that the elderly perceive aid in ways "...that minimize their dependence...Perceiving assistance as social and discretionary
on the part of the care provider may reduce the costs of accepting it." Mothers perceiving little discretionary motive also
perceived that they had been receiving aid longer and experienced less intimacy with their daughters.
(Walker, et al., 1990).
Strongly promoting
family care has unintended negative consequences; it can impede efforts to promote income and employment equality for women,
delay needed quality improvements in institutional care, and increase the guilt felt by relatives of institutionalized family
members. Rather than a single focus on family care, we need to work for parallel improvements in the quality and acceptability
of institutional care. (Strawbridge & Wallhagen, 1992)
It is likely that
increasing numbers of elderly will continue to move into the homes of their adult children. Areas identified as major factors
in multi-generational households included dependency, sibling relationships, depression, demanding and egocentric behavior.
Factors to consider during family therapy include respite care, age interdependence, dignity, provision of care, decision-making
processes, and involvement of all members of the household in planning for the future. (Feinauer, Lund & Miller, 1987)
Older adults frequently
cope with difficult times by turning to significant others for assistance. Particular kinds of stressful experiences may actually
promote greater isolation from others. Chronic strain tends to promote distrust of others, and that distrust in turn leads
to greater isolation from network members. Not all stressors are involved in this process. In particular, recent deaths are
not related significantly to distrust or to social isolation. The process leading to less contact with others is more likely
to involve older adults in lower social status positions. (Krause, 1991)
The older one
becomes, the less likely one is to send support and more likely one is to receive it. Results show that both support-sending
and support-receiving decline with age. The respondents report giving more support than they receive until age 85+. This pattern
applies more to exchanges with family members, as all forms of role reversal are less likely in exchanges with non-family.
(Organ, Schuster & Butler, 1991)
Motivators and
inhibitors of attitudes of filial obligation. Obligation is not simply a product of affection but that the degree of obligation
is also explained by such structural and demographic factors as distance and role conflict. Associations of predictor variables
with filial obligation vary by parent type and by gender of the adult child. (Finley, Roberts & Banahan, 1988)
Spouse and child
caregivers vary in care provisions
and caregiving distress (burden and mental distress outcomes); spouses display fewer adverse effects. (Young, 1989) When the caregiver is wife to the patient, it is well recognized in the
literature that spousal interactions differ in kind and extent from those characterizing child-parent relationships. Wives
are also now more likely to be in the work force than before (Denton et al., 1990) with the result of an increased burden
from handling both employment and caregiving responsibilities.
When the caregiver
is a daughter or daughter-in-law, employment of such a caregiver has been shown to qualitatively change the type of contributions
they are able to make to the well-being of elderly parents; employment sacrifices have been made for meeting caregiving requirements
and combining both work and caregiving may lead to role overload (Matthews, et al., 1989; Pett, et al., 1988; Stone &
Short, 1990). National economic changes suggest that more and more the elderly will find themselves in homes with their adult
children, as the children "...constitute the first and often the only resource" to turn to (Feinauer, et al., 1987) and when
patients' mobility is impaired (Meyer & Cromley, 1989).
Gender relationships
will simultaneously impact caregiving outcomes; when assessing strain of major caregiving groups, daughters exceed wives and
husbands in distress. (Young, 1989).
Providing assistance
to an older person over an extended time period undermines the elder helper relationship. Despite evidence that extended helping
is difficult, the helpers in this panel continued to respond to the older person's need for assistance. (Stoller & Pugliesi,
1989)
The high level
of fertility among women during the 1950's will result in greater proportions of future elderly persons having surviving children.
Declines in mortality, coupled with increases in rates of marriage, increase the probability that both men and women will
have spouses surviving in their old age. (Himes, 1992)
Spouse and adult
children in shared households experience similar levels of care-related strain. However, comparison of adult children in shared
and separate households show considerable cross-setting difference in strain, with those in shared households having significantly
greater activity restriction but less relationship strain. (Deimling, Bass, Townsend & Noelker, 1989)
Spousal caregivers
devote large amounts of time to caregiving, and husbands spend no less time than wives. Most caregivers receive little assistance
from other family members and friends, but husbands receive more than others. Employment does not affect the amount of paid
help received by adult daughters. (Enright, 1991)
A multifactorial
model of caregiving strain. Work disruptions associated with caregiving significantly affected caregiving strain and the perceived
likelihood of job termination. Work interference was in turn affected by the care recipient's level of impairment and the
perceived adequacy of the support received. Respondents with more flexible job responsibilities reported lower levels of work
interference than did other respondents. (Scharlach, Sobel & Roberts, 1991)
Parent care experiences
of five groups of daughters (married, remarried, separated/divorced, widowed, and never married). Women with husbands had
more socio-emotional and instrumental support, much higher incomes, less financial strain from caregiving, and less depression.
They felt their own particular marital status made caregiving easier than did the three groups of not-married women. (Brody,
Litvin, Hoffman & Kleban, 1992)
II. Gender in Caregiving
Male and female
caregivers differ in care provision and caregiving distress (burden and mental distress outcomes); males display fewer adverse
effects. (Young, 1989) Gender is important since
the sexes differ on the kind of caregiving provided; men usually give smaller time and intimacy commitments and they are frequently
in the secondary, rather than primary, caregiver role--even for their own parents.
One study (Young,
1989) disclosed that the extent of care provided (hours of assistance) did NOT relate to adverse caregiver outcomes. Burden
and role strain DID vary according to gender and the relationship to the patient. Women experienced greater strain regardless
of whether they were caring for a physically or mentally disabled person. Even husbands and wives significantly differed in
outcomes. Significant differences were found in the patient-caregiver dyad due to closeness of relationship; wives and daughters
provided similar care, yet did not suffer uniform adverse effect. Daughters were significantly more adversely affected than
any others in this study.
Preliminary analysis
indicates that caregiver gender and health is associated with their perception of burden. Additionally, elders whose caregiver
is female report better health than those with male caregivers. (Paton, Applegate & Elam)
Women, non-spousal
caregivers, and daughters, in particular, experienced the most severe aftereffects. Patient-caregiver relationship is an essential
component of caregiver strain. (Young & Kahana, 1989)
Net of other caregiver
and care-receiver characteristics, daughters were 3.22 times more likely than sons to provide ADL (assistance with activities
of daily living) assistance and 2.56 times more likely to provide IADL (assistance with instrumental activities of daily living)
assistance. (Dwyer & Coward, 1991)
A distinguishing
feature of family caregivers is that the majority are women. A greater involvement of men may be needed to cope with future
demands, including expanded need for caregivers, a drop in the size of the American family with fewer children available,
and an expected increase in the number of women entering professional roles. (Mathew, Mattocks & Slatt)
For men engaged
in caregiving tasks, the men report having found emotional gratification an important motivating factor, and they tended to
ascribe to themselves many affective traits usually associated with the female role. (Kaye & Applegate, 1990)
III. Family Relationship Status in Caregiving
The analysis revealed
that siblings and friends provided the caregivers with approximately the same amount of support; however, siblings were by
far the greatest source of hassles. Both logistic regression and qualitative analyses showed that the associate's caregiving
experience was associated with a greater likelihood of providing support, as was emotional closeness. The associate's caregiving
experience and emotional closeness were associated with a lower likelihood that an individual would be a source of hassles.
Geographic distance also reduced the likelihood that an associate would be a source of hassles - network members who lived
further away were more likely to be reported as sources of hassles. (Suitor & Pillemer)
Filial caregivers'
views of their own and their siblings' costs and contributions to the care of their parents. The respondents viewed their
siblings' responses to the parents' needs as remarkably similar to their own, in spite of there being no actual similarity.
Despite these perceived similarities, however, respondents perceived their siblings as contributing less than themselves,
gaining less satisfaction, feeling freer to alter their caregiving, and being resistant to increasing their relative contributions.
In order of importance, the extent of contact between the siblings, their feelings of closeness, the extent of parents' needs,
their gender, the extent of resources spent, and personal regard for their siblings were significant predictors of these egocentrically
biased perceptions. These egocentrically biased perceptions were important predictors of personal regard for their siblings.
(Lerner, Somers, Reid, Chiriboga & Tierney, 1991)
Caregivers reported
the most and brothers the least service provision and strain; sisters fell in between, and also equaled caregivers in strain
from inter-sibling problems. Negative inter-sibling interactions are associated with less emotional closeness in the families
and the mothers' greater care needs. (Brody, Hoffman, Kleban & Schoonover, 1989)
IV. Burden in Caregiving
Numerous studies
have developed the issue of burdens on the caregivers to the elderly, including measurements of dwindling resources of time,
energy and money (Bunting, 1989; Fitting, et al., 1986; Gwyther & George, 1986). Economic trails of the caregiver role
have been documented (Cohen & Eisdorfer, 1986) as well as the problems with social participation and mental health due
to the caregiving role (George & Gwyther, 1986).
Caregivers are
"...likely to be disadvantaged with respect to social, physical, and financial resources than is the case of the general population"
(Matthews, 1988).
Deterioration of physical health, immune system functioning, health care utilization, and psychiatric condition have been
shown to be associated with prolonged caregiving (Schultz, et al., 1990). Caregivers' deterioration of health is also associated
with higher institutionalization rates of the patient, and, in some cases, even the caregiver (Wilson, et al., 1987).
Sacrifices on
the caregiver's part for the benefit of the patient are often documented in studies, especially with respect to delaying patient
entry into nursing homes or other institutional care facilities (Arling & McAuley, 1983; Chenoweth & Spencer, 1986;
Clip, et al., 1986).
Longitudinal studies
have been made observing some caregivers who may persist in the caregiving role beyond the limits of their own health in order
to keep the patient home rather than be institutionalized (Colerick & George, 1986; Collins et al., 1989). Depression
in caregivers, assessed as stemming from the caregiving role, has also been addressed (Cohen & Eisdorfer, 1988; Townsend,
et al., 1989).
In general, their
levels of depression, stress & burden were high at the baseline evaluation, but their physical health was, overall, better
than anticipated. Both personality & mood affect how stress is experienced, leading him to conclude that distress occurs
most in vulnerable individuals. (Koin, Walsh, Gallagher-Thompson & Vitaliano)
Results show no
overall change in mean levels of depression or burden. Depression at Time 1 was not correlated with depression at Time 2.
Burden at Time 1 was highly correlated with Burden at Time 2. No relationship of caregiving status, initial health status,
level of care, of generation to change in depression. Burden, However was related to generation and caregiver status, with
primary caregivers more burdened than non-primary or non-caregivers, with burden increasing over time for primary caregivers
but not for others. (Trickett, Gatz & Karel)
Significant levels
of anger are expressed by caregivers of dementia patients.(Florsheim, et al.)
Status transitions
and future outlook. As predicted, future outlook had a powerful association with dyadic conflict. Other strong predictors
of conflict for care receivers were current state of happiness and changes in the relationship over a 3-year period. For caregiver,
conflict was associated with care receivers' lack of social participation with family and friends, and changes in dyadic relationship.
(Litvin, 1992)
Family conflict
is an overlooked yet potentially critical component of the caregiving experience. In a study of 100 Adult child caregivers,
40% were experiencing relatively serious conflict with another family member, usually a sibling. Most conflict arose because
the relative failed to provide sufficient help. Caregivers experiencing family conflict had significantly higher perceived
burden and poorer mental health than did caregivers without conflict. (Strawbridge & Wallhagen, 1991)
Social exchange
theory identifies three relationship types: intrinsic (45%), ambivalent (34%), and conflicted (21%). These types differ in
the extent to which the women receive rewards from interacting with their partner, experience costs in their interaction,
handle conflicts that arise in their relationship, and express feelings of concern for each other. Daughters in intrinsic
pairs have fewer children and shorter caregiving histories than daughters in ambivalent or conflicted pairs. (Walker &
Allen, 1991)
Daughters generally
rated their mothers more negatively than themselves. Within this pattern of generally negative evaluations, varying types
of impairment function differently. Functional impairment is not related to assessments of mothers' personalities, whereas
psychological and cognitive impairments are. (Albert, Litvin, Kleban & Brody)
Objective stressor,
caregiver resources, and subjective appraisal of caregiving (operationalized as caregiving satisfaction and burden) were studied.
Among adult children, high levels of caregiving behavior resulted in both greater caregiving satisfaction and burden. Burden,
in turn, was related to depression in both groups but, among adult child caregivers, positive affect was not affected by caregiving
satisfaction. (Lawton, Moss, Kleban, Glicksman & Rovine, 1991
Revealed three
factors for mothers, Helplessness, Feeling Loved, and Anger; and three factors for daughters: Insufficient Time, Frustration,
and Anxiety. Limited influence of demographic variables and significant influence of situational variables. Of particular
importance for daughters is the role of perceived intimacy with the mother: Daughter with better relationships experience
fewer caregiving costs. Mothers' health plays a critical role in the outcomes of care receiving: Mothers in poorer health
experience greater helplessness and are less likely to feel loved. (Walker, Martin & Jones, 1992)
The multiple roles
of caregivers may impact the quality of care given and the caregiver well-being both in a positive and a negative manner;
the roles played outside the family being more associated with positive caregiver well-being than intra-family roles (Stoller
& Pugliesi, 1989).
Social exchange
theory identifies three relationship types: intrinsic (45%), ambivalent (34%), and conflicted (21%). These types differ in
the extent to which the women receive rewards from interacting with their partner, experience costs in their interaction,
handle conflicts that arise in their relationship, and express feelings of concern for each other. Daughters in intrinsic
pairs have fewer children and shorter caregiving histories than daughters in ambivalent or conflicted pairs. (Walker &
Allen, 1991)
Two generations
agreed on the primary person in each network and on the overall hierarchy of sources of support, but they differed on the
two networks' size, specific composition, and members' relative centrality. Suggesting the need to distinguish this network
from the general caregiving network. (Townsend & Poulshock, 1986)
Status transitions
and future outlook: As predicted, future outlook had a powerful association with dyadic conflict. Other strong predictors
of conflict for care receivers were current state of happiness and changes in the relationship over a 3-year period.
V. Up lifts in Caregiving
Not all factors
associated with caregiving are negative to all caregivers. Uplifts, satisfactions and positive events have been measured among
some caregivers (Kinney & Stephens, 1989; Moss, et al., 1987; Stephens, et al., 1990; Stoller & Pugliesi, 1989).
Objective stressor,
caregiver resources, and subjective appraisal of caregiving (operationalized as caregiving satisfaction and burden) were studied.
Among adult children, high levels of caregiving behavior resulted in both greater caregiving satisfaction and burden. Burden,
in turn, was related to depression in both groups but, among adult child caregivers, positive affect was not affected by caregiving
satisfaction. (Lawton, Moss, Kleban, Glicksman & Rovine, 1991)
VI. The Care Recipients' Viewpoint
Literature reviews
as early as 1965 show that parents, especially mothers, expect help from their adult offspring. Not surprisingly, adult children
report a sense of responsibility to their parents. But the association between these feelings and actions taken have not previously
been studied, nor has the correlation between the quality of the feelings and the quality of the results. It has, however,
been shown that unrealistic expectations about caregiving on the daughters' part has been correlated to higher burden by denying
the daughters own needs.
(Walker, et al., 1990)
"While motives
for caregiving are unrelated to most demographic variables, caregiving motives are related to intimacy, a factor intrinsic
to the relationship." Mothers who believed daughters wanted to give care also reported more intimacy. The "sense of
duty" reported by Blenker (1965) was not supported in this study. Obligatory motives were associated in this study with intimacy
only when they coexisted with high levels of discretionary motives. (Walker, et al., 1990).
Preliminary analysis
indicates that caregiver gender and health is associated with their perception of burden. Additionally, elders whose caregiver
is female report better health than those with male caregivers. (Paton, Applegate & Elam)
VII. Changes Over Time in Caregiving Relationships
Huston (1989)
shows that people tend to view events in their relationships in clusters of patterns of behaviors set in time (Ex: She laughed
at my jokes during lunch -short time- or "He hasn't helped with the dishes since we've been married" -long time span view)."Behaviors
may be general because the stream of behavior has been partitioned into large, temporally extended units or because they encompass
multiple actions at different points in time."
Cognition and
emotions can range over many behaviors (ex: anger can "spill over" into other phases of life than the original irritant) and
impact behavior streams and influence the viewpoints of loved ones. The attributions, therefore, that one may give to a significant
other are made up of the viewer's own emotions and cognition as well as the evaluated history of the others behaviors, as
set in the viewers time relation. These developed attributions concern stability (how likely the attributed cause will continue
to operate in similar circumstances) and globality (whether the cause will produce similar effects in other situations).
The amount of actual caregiving functions performed, not just the time spent, varied among respondents and is worthy of
consideration when predicting outcomes. Therefore, the outcomes recorded in this paper are considered to be based upon the
issues of gender and relationship status after passing through the varying nature of the caregiving role.
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Public Information Office
Vicky Cahan U.S. Census Bureau
Public Information: 2000 Census Office 301-457-3030/301-457-3670
National Institute on Aging 301-457-1037 (TDD) 301-496-1752 e-mail: pio@census.gov e-mail:
cahanv@nia.nih.gov
Victoria Velkoff/Kevin Kinsella 301-457-1371
World's Older Population Growing
by Unprecedented 800,000 a Month
The world's population age 65 and older is growing by an unprecedented 800,000 people a month, according to a report issued
today by the U.S. Census Bureau and the National Institute on Aging (NIA).
The report, An Aging World: 2001, predicted that this phenomenon of global aging will continue well into the
21st century, with the numbers and proportions of older people continuing to rise in both developed and developing worlds.
The pace of population aging, the report found, varies widely among countries. Generally, developing countries
are aging faster than more developed ones. Demographers estimated that more than three-quarters of the world's net gain of
older people from 1999 to 2000 occurred in still-developing countries.
The ratio of older people to total population differs widely among countries, too. The United States was 32nd
on a list ranking countries with high proportions of people age 65 and older.
Italy replaced Sweden as the world's oldest country in 2000, with 18 percent of Italians having celebrated at least a 65th
birthday, the report said.
"Global aging is occurring at a rate never seen before and we will need to pay close attention to how countries respond
to the challenges and opportunities of growing older," said Nancy Gordon, the Census Bureau's associate director for demographic
programs. "In the United States, one of the comparatively younger developed countries, with 13 percent of its people age 65
and older, we may be able to learn from the experience of 'older' countries."
"Population aging is a fundamental transformation of human society," said Richard M. Suzman, associate director of the
NIA, Behavioral and Social Research Program. "Many governments and international agencies, as well as demographic researchers,
have only recently begun to pay attention to this increasingly important trend."
Generally, populations begin to age when fertility declines and adult mortality improves. Of the countries covered in this
report, Japan had the highest average life expectancy at birth ? 81 years, followed by Singapore (80) and several other developed
countries: Australia, Canada, Italy, Iceland, Sweden and Switzerland (79). Levels for the United States and most other developed
countries fall in the 76- to 78-year range.
An Aging World: 2001 is part of ongoing efforts by the Census Bureau and the NIA to study aging in the United States and
the world. Prepared by Victoria Velkoff and Kevin Kinsella of the Census Bureau, it looks at current and projected population
in countries throughout the world and includes comparative data on life expectancy, health status, social support and retirement.
Other report highlights: -- Of the 227 countries or areas of the world with at least 5,000
population, 167 (74 percent) had some form of an old-age disability or survivors' program in the late 1990s, compared
with 33 in 1940.
-- In the mid 1990s, public pensions absorbed 15 percent of the gross domestic product in Italy
and Uruguay; 7.2 percent in the United States and 0.4 percent in Mexico.
--Disability rates among the older population were declining in developed countries but were likely
to increase in developing countries.
--Older people in the United States were more educated than in most other countries, but educational
attainment of the older population was projected to increase in most countries over the next several decades.
--In many countries, the oldest old (80 and above) were the fastest-growing component of the population.
--More than one-third of the world's oldest people (80 and above) lived in three countries: China (11.5
million), the United States (9.2 million) and India (6.2 million).
--Among developing regions, the Caribbean had the highest percentage of older people (7.2 percent).
--There were more older women than older men in the vast majority of the world's countries; notable
exceptions were India, Iran and Bangladesh.
Suzman noted that the Census Bureau/NIA report comes amid new recommendations for international research on
world aging by a panel of the National Academy of Sciences. The NIA-supported review, reported in Preparing for
An Aging World: The Case for Cross-National Research, found that an international focus would be a powerful tool for policy-makers
worldwide, offering a broader approach to understanding population aging than single-nation research alone. The Academy's
report urged countries to develop comparable data on their own aging populations.
Editor's note: The embargoed data can be accessed at <http://www.census.gov/dcmd/www/embargo/embargo.html. Call
the Public Information Office to obtain access information. After the release time, go to http://www.census.gov/prod/2001pubs/p95-01-1.pdf.
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Barer, B. M. & Johnson, C. L. (1990). A critique of the caregiving literature, The Gerontologist,
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involvement of adult sons versus daughters in the care of impaired parents, Journal of Gerontology: Social Sciences,
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Dwyer, J. W. & Miller, M. K. (1990). Differences in characteristics
of the caregiving network by area of residence: Implications for primary caregiver stress and burden, Family Relations, 39, 27-37.
Enright, R. B. (1991). Time spent caregiving and help received by spouses
and adult children of brain-impaired adults, The Gerontologist, 31(3), 375-383.
Feinauer, L. L., Lund, D. A. & Miller, J. R. (1987). Family issues in multigenerational households, American
Journal of Family Therapy, 15(1), 52-61.
Finley, N. J., Roberts, M. D. & Banahan, B. F. (1988). Motivators and
inhibitors of attitudes of filial obligation toward aging parents, The Gerontologist, 28(1), 73-78.
Fitting, M., Rabins, P., Lucas, M. J. & Eastham, J. (1986). Caregivers for dementia patients: A comparison
of husbands and wives, The Gerontologist, 26(3), 248-252.
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caregivers of demented adults, The Gerontologist, 26(3), 253-259.
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well-being and burden,The Gerontologist, 26(3), 245-247.
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Literature Review
Papers Presented at GSA 1991
Bodner, J. C., Hannan, M. b. & Kiecolt-Glaser (1991).The impact of institutionalization on caregiver health
and well-being.
Caserta, M. S., Lund, D. A. & Wright, S. D. (1919). Correlates of dimensions of the caregiver burden
inventory.
Cicirelli, V. G. (1991). The attachment model of caregiving behavior.
Duhamel, L. & Moss, M. S. (1991). Daughter-in-law caregivers: Some observations.
Florsheim, M. et al. (1991). Anger in family caregivers of Alzheimer patients.
France, A. C., Alpher, V. S. & Vanzant, M. S. (1991). Interpersonal attributes of hostility in caregivers:
A comparison of a community sample and support group caregivers.
Gallagher-Thompson, D. (1991)Interrelationships among caregivers' stress,
physical health, and mental health.
Garcia, C. (1991). The myth of the extended family.
Gebhard, T. (1991). Reaction formation and conflict tactics: Coping with the challenge of caring for the
elderly.
Haley, W.E. et al. (1991). Caregiving in context: Work, multiple roles, and life stress.
Keech, E. (1991). Caregiver burden in a dyad and system type of caregiving.
Morris, D. C. (1991). Caregivers and caregiving in Middleton: a survey analysis.
O'Bryant, S. L., Straw, L. B. 7 Edgar, E. D. (1991). Comparisons of the widowed caregivers with that of widowed
non-caregivers.
Passuth, P. M. (1991). Coming to terms: Parent-Child relations in later
life.
Paton, R. N., Applegate W., & Elam, J. (1991). The importance of gender
in understanding caregiver perception of burden.
Quayhagen, M. et al. (1991). Coping with caregiving: Burnout an abuse.
Silverstein, M. & Bengtson, V. L. (1991). Do close parent-child relations
reduce the mortality risk of older patients? A test of the direct & buffering effects of intergenerational affection.
Stoller, E. P. & Cutler, S. J. (1991). The impact of gender on configurations of care among married couples.
Suitor, J. J. & Pillemer, K. (1991). Sources of support or stress for
married daughters caring for elderly parents suffering from dementia.
Thompson, E. H. et al. (1991). Components of caregiver burden and dimensions of social support in family caregivers.
Trickett, P., Gatz, M. & Karel, M. (1991) A longitudinal follow-up of depression and burden in caregiving and noncaregiving relatives of elderly family members.
Wright, L. Beisecker, S. & Kasal, S. (1991). Benefits and barriers to Adult day care: Perceptions of
family caregivers of individuals with Alzheimer's disease.
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